May
21

Health plan CEO Compensation

The fine folks at FierceHealthcare have compiled a list of the top ten health plan CEOs ranked by compensation. The links include details on performance, prior year compensation, and a bit of editorial.
Aetna Ron Williams $24,300,112
CIGNA Ed Hanway $12, 236,740
WellPoint Angela Braly $9,844,212
Coventry Dale Wolf (ret) $9,047,469
Centene Michael Neidorff $8,774,483
Amerigroup James Carlson $5,292,546
Humana Michael McCallister $4,764,309
HealthNet Jay Gellert $4,425,355
Universal American Richard Barasch $3,503,702
UnitedHealth Group Steve Hemsley $3,421,042
Some of these top-ten CEOs saw their compensation drop due to declines in their company stock price or other financial issues (CIGNA, Coventry) while others seem to have been unaffected by deteriorating performance (WellPoint, HealthNet) and settlement of lawsuits (Amerigroup.


May
21

Medco’s health reform debate

Last week PBM giant Medco hosted a discussion of health reform that was one of the better events I’ve encountered – better because the conversation was realistic, pointed, and quickly got into the reality of health care reform – it’s about cost.
Participants were David Snow, Medco CEO; Howard Dean, MD, Chan Wheeler of UnitedHealthGroup, and Ben Sasse, assistant professor of public policy at the University of Texas and a former U.S. assistant secretary of Health and Human Services during the Bush Administration.
Snow led off with a backgrounder on past health care reform efforts reaching back about a hundred years (perhaps I exaggerate). The key observation was fear is used by opponents to stop health care reform, to confuse consumers and grind it to a halt. Opponents of specific aspects of reform are focused on preserving and protecting their future, so they scare Americans so they choose to stay with what they have rather than risking the unknown. While this may seem obvious to some, it is important to remember what derailed reform in the past, as we will certainly see the same tactics used by opponents this time – and in fact, already are.
Snow did dwell on tort reform issues, as all big corporate execs do – to their detriment. For every misrepresented story of hot McDonald’s coffee there are dozens of med mal suits that never get filed. Medco has a solid business reputation, and the tort system is one of the few checks we have on companies like Purdue and Cephalon, companies that are in businesses closely related to Medco’s who damage the entire industry by their reprehensible conduct.
But I digress, if only a little. Snow did mention that there is a movement underway to use evidence based medicine as protection against lawsuits – if EBM guidelines are used appropriately then physicians would have some legal protections against med mal litigation.
Snow did a creditable job reviewing the history of past defeats of health care reform, noting the AMA was extremely effective in defeating pretty much every effort (with the notable exception of Medicare). And these guys have been very creative, becoming expert in employing grass roots efforts to stifle reform. Perhaps the most revealing was the AMA’s coffee cup campaign.
The coffee cup campaign was a very well financed effort by the AMA to defeat Medicare. Featuring a recording by none other than Ronald Reagan, the AMA rallied physicians’ wives (back then there were few female physicians) to support the AMA’s lobbying campaign. Snow pointed out, rather pointedly, that the AMA does a great job of not seeing the future; Medicare was anathema to physicians, yet Medicare has been a great boon to most physicians and other providers.
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All panelists (and Snow) acknowledged that cost has not been addressed in any meaningful way in the reform discussions to date. Dean and Wheeler both agreed that their have been no substantive discussions of health cost control. Interestingly, it appeared to my ears that Dean came out against a single payer plan, saying it would not lead to the innovation and improvements that will help deal with cost and quality issues over long term. He forcefully argued for a public plan option, saying “If you don’t have a public plan [in the mix], you shouldn’t bother…”
I’m beginning to think he’s right.
Finally, one of the better lines I’ve heard came from one of the panelists, in referring to physicians, he described some as ‘partialists not specialists’.
A very accurate, and very useful, description.


May
20

We’ve completed the First Annual Workers Comp Bill Review Survey and there are several highlights worthy of mention. (If you’ve requested a copy of the results you will receive it by the end of next week)
Bill review is considered significantly ‘more important’ than other managed care services by survey respondents (TPAs, carriers, managed care firms, and self-insured employers). While this isn’t consistent across all respondents, most are of the opinion that bill review is where the proverbial rubber/road meeting occurs, and if UR or PPO determinations don’t show up in bill review, they are irrelevant.
Which leads to the next finding – most of the more sophisticated respondents are very, very cognizant of – and frustrated by – the difficulties inherent in integrating BR and other medical management systems, platforms, and vendors. There is a sense that not all UR determinations (numbers of visits for PT, hospital stay duration, epidural steroid injections) appear in the final payments, with many unauthorized services actually performed, billed, and paid.
(note – this is consistent with the result of some, but not all, audits of client data performed by HSA)
Respondents decried the lack of understanding of the complexities of bill review, and the commoditization of the service, on the part of senior management and policyholders alike. Their sense is there is little to no appreciation of the difficulties inherent in staying on top of fee schedule and rule changes, increasingly sophisticated provider billing techniques, and impact of bill review on claims costs. Pressed to reduce costs and staff during this soft market, respondents are frustrated by their inability to convince C-level personnel of the relationship between effective (i.e. well-done and not cheap) bill review and ultimate claims costs and combined ratios.
The ratings of bill review vendors and application providers show respondents are quite current and aware of changes at the various suppliers. Vendors that would have been rated poorly as recently as a year ago are viewed more favorably today, with respondents very much open to considering bill review application vendors that would not have made their first cut twelve months ago.
There were notable differences among and between the various bill review vendors and application providers, differences that ‘didn’t appear until well into the implementation phase’. The perception among respondents was that these differences were due in part to a failure on the front end to be very clear and precise about semantics (what, exactly, is a ‘bill’, what is a ‘rule’, what is a ‘duplicate bill’, when does the clock start and end for turn around time, whose responsibility is it to ensure the DRG grouper complies with and is consistent with specific state regs, and on and on). As a result, costs, throughput, efficiency measures, ‘savings’ and other metrics had to be re-adjusted, causing more than a little agita for program managers.
Finally, some bill review applications and vendors were perceived to be better positioned to address likely changes in the overall health care system. Respondents viewed these vendors as more flexible, more adaptable, and more cognizant of the broader systemic issues and their potential impact on workers comp. One knowledgeable respondent noted “some of these vendors are so focused on comp that they aren’t paying attention to current and likely future changes in Medicare physician and hospital reimbursement…and their systems just won’t support some of the likely changes in Medicare-based fee schedules..”


May
19

Silent PPO legislation coming to a state near you

Expect the Texas legislature to pass laws tightly restricting PPOs before the end of the biennial legislative session June 1. According to WorkCompCentral, the Senate is making considerable progress on a compromise bill that will closely follow the NCOIL model.
The NCOIL model act includes strong disclosure requirements, standards for network contract and discount disclosure, penalties for PPO’s failure to disclose clients to providers, allows providers to refuse discounts taken without a contract and provides for enforcement under Texas’ unfair trade practices laws. (see the WorkCompCentral article for details)
This is good news for payers and providers alike.
Silent PPOs have long been a major bone of contention, leading to countless lawsuits and counter suits by payers and providers, tying up claims in seemingly endless litigation. Not only will the bill – if enacted – reduce legal hassles and the cost of same, I’m also hopeful that it will force payers to stop their endless, pointless, counter-productive discount-shopping.
Picking providers base on how much they’ll cut their rate is beyond dumb,for reasons laid out in detail elsewhere on this blog. Beyond that obvious problem is the damage that process dies to the payer-provider relationship. It tells the provider they are merely a vendor, a bill, a cost. It devalues their role entirely, transforming what is often an already-tense relationship into open warfare.
Payers have to treat providers intelligently, seek to understand their situation and motivations, and try to work with them. Sure some providers are crooks and frauds, but treating all of them as such just ensures claims will be contentious, difficult, and more costly.


May
15

Anne Zeiger at Fierce Healthcare was first to market with the news that the American Hospital Association decided it wasn’t really committed to helping reduce health care spending by $2 trillion over ten years. (from Modern Healthcare)
To be fair, the AHA’s boss said “we did not say that we would save this country $2 trillion on our own…” But he also didn’t commit to any measurable savings – at all.
Wow, it seems like just yesterday the pundits and pols were rejoicing in the new, broad commitment to help the nation cut health care costs. Wait, it was just yesterday…
There’s good news here. We’re blowing thru the meaningless promises, the blandishments and feel-good words quickly. That makes it just slightly more likely we’ll get to the hard stuff, where we’ll actually see if there is enough political will to significantly cut costs enough to cover more Americans.
But I still don’t see it happening.


May
15

AWP and the pending changes to pharmacy pricing

This is more of a question than anything else.
AWP (average wholesale price) as a pricing mechanism for drugs will eventually go away (due to a court order). There is an intense, if not very objective or helpful, debate re what should replace AWP.
In a conversation this morning with Jim Andrews of Cypress Care, he provided more insights into the options on the table (MAC, WAC, etc) and opined that getting rid of AWP may sound good, but the real question is, “so…then what?”
The Feds will cut reimbursement for Medicare/Medicaid, likely to the same rates the VA pays, or instead require a substantial rebate (15% – 20%) on all purchases. That’s going to happen, as Obama et al need to create savings to fund the expansion of coverage (which will cost about $1.2 trillion).
Pharma and the various intermediaries between manufacturers and patients (wholesalers, PBMs, retail stores, distributors) will have to figure out how to make up for the lost margin/revenue and/or get more efficient to reduce costs. But no matter how efficient they get, we are still looking at reduced profits for manufacturers, which they will look to make up by increasing prices to non-governmental entities. (admittedly that’s conjecture, but pretty educated conjecture)
Which brings us back to pricing. When AWP goes away, the issues inherent in pricing based on some ‘standard’ will not. However, the standard that is selected may result in more, or perhaps less, confusion than that already existing with AWP.
What does this mean for you?
Likely a headache and desire for Friday afternoon to come even faster.


May
14

The quick and clean Health Wonk Review

Julie Ferguson at Workers Comp Insider’s edition of Health Wonk Review shows why HWR continues to be a must-read. Her approach today is bullet points, quick summaries, and lots of posts.
Others have grouped posts into separate categories, used food, holidays, elections, or music as organizing principles.
Regardless of which method is used, there’s always something new fresh and different.
And with health policy and health reform taking up much of the front page, HWR is more timely than ever.


May
14

Anti-Trust and the work comp managed care business

I’ve fielded several calls over the last few days from clients and colleagues asking about the potential implications of the Obama Administration’s vow to more rigorously enforce antitrust regulations.
During the eight years of the Bush Administration, not one case was brought against a large company charged with attacking a smaller rival. If anything, Bush et al bent over backwards to help big business, doing little to stop mergers and acquisitions that significantly consolidated market share. The change in policy by the Obama Administration came about Monday, when antitrust boss Christine Varney explicitly rejected Bush’s September 2008 rule-making that directed the government to avoid interfering in “the rough and tumble of beneficial competition.” In order to initiate action, the Bush rule required that the government determine that a merger or action’s negative impact on competition was “substantially disproportionate to any associated pro-competitive” benefit.
Speaking at an event sponsored by the Center for American Progress, Varney said the Obama administration’s approach to antitrust will be based on the understanding that the marketplace alone should not dictate what is fair competition. That implies the Feds will be taking a more active role.
Antitrust regulation is based on the Sherman Antitrust Act, wherein “a monopoly power is defined as the ability of a business to control a price within its relevant product market or its geographic market or to exclude a competitor from doing business [emphasis added] within its relevant product market or geographic market. It is only necessary to prove the business had the “power” to raise prices or exclude competitors. The plaintiff does not need to prove that prices were actually raised or that competitors were actually excluded from the market.” (FreeAdvice.com)
Implications for comp
The work comp network business is dominated by Coventry Healthcare. They have the largest network used by almost all of the larger payers and most of the mid- and smaller ones. The network was based on the First Health PPO, augmented by the acquisition of Concentra’s managed care business, and enhanced when Coventry removed Aetna Work Comp Access from the market by signing an exclusive deal.
Coventry then implemented their “all or nothing” strategy, wherein customers who wanted to use other rival networks in certain jurisdictions were told they could not do so; if they wanted Coventry anywhere, they had to use Coventry everywhere. Other customers were given more flexibility, but at a much higher price – using a ‘foreign’ network meant the customer had to pay more, and in some cases much more, to Coventry.
I’m no attorney and certainly not more than superficially knowledgeable about antitrust issues, regulation, and history. With that disclaimer, here’s a mostly uneducated opinion. It seems to me that Coventry’s ability to consolidate the comp network business and, via pricing and contracting practices, shut out competition gives them a huge advantage in the marketplace. An advantage that has driven very nice financial results. Whether those actions qualify as anti-competitive under the law is something I’m not qualified to judge. But from a layman’s perspective, the comp network business fits the definition of a monopoly.
Will the Administration look into the comp network business? I very much doubt it. Not only is this a relatively tiny market, the market consolidation, and approval thereof (to the extent Bush’s people even looked at them) occurred well before President Obama took office. Obama has demonstrated a reluctance to revisit decisions made by his predecessor; I just don’t see Varney and her attorneys re-examining the consolidation of the comp network business.
Disclaimer – After several years of attempts to engage with Coventry to hear their perspective, attempts that were ignored (except for one conversation with Jim McGarry two years ago) I don’t even try any more. If anyone from Coventry wants to discuss this, feel free to contact me.


May
13

Drug cost trends – the big picture

Drug utilization declined slightly in 2009, while prices for brand drugs jumped eight percent. And specialty drugs, although a tiny portion of the total number of scripts, drove sixty percent of the overall growth in drug costs.
The net? Medco’s overall drug spend grew 3.3 percent in 2008. Removing specialty drugs from the calculation results in a 1.3% trend rate.
The decline in utilization appears to be driven in large part by two factors – drugs that were only available by prescription (think Claritin, Zyrtec, Prilosec et al) are now over the counter, and some folks are avoiding other prescription drugs over concerns about safety,
These results are contained in PBM giant Medco’s 2009 Drug Trend Report, released this morning. The company has sixty million members, so the data does provide insight into broader, national trends.
Over the next two years, Medco is projecting annual spending growth of 4% – 7%, with specialty drugs’ inflationary influence overcoming significant patent terminations for brand drugs. That said, illnesses such as diabetes, hypertension, hyperlipidemia, and the resulting heart disease are having a major impact on drug spend, as well as overall medical inflation.
These are all heavily influenced by obesity, a problem that continues to get worse – and worse.
Notably, Medco’s analysts don’t believe the weak economy had as much of an impact as these other factors, although there was a bit of an uptick in generic utilization (now at 64.1% of all scripts). As noted above, the big driver was specialty drugs, which rose at an annual rate of 15.8%. Their influence is going to increase, as about a third of all medicines in the pipeline are specialty drugs. Their share of total spend, driven by price increases more than utilization, is now at 12.8%; one-eighth of all drug costs are for these highly-specialized medications.
Of interest to those in the work comp space, narcotics and anti-seizure meds each accounted for about 2.7% of total spend, a marked contrast to their overwhelming presence in the comp space.
Nationally, drug costs were projected to increase 3.5% in 2008; in contrast physician expenses were up 6.2% and hospital costs jumped the most – 7.2%.


May
13

Intelligent debate on the public health plan option

Ok, I’m a geek. Anyone who rides his bike while listening to the Kaiser Network’s podcast on the public health plan option (all 102 minutes of it) is, if anything, over-qualified for the appellation.
But boy, it sure was interesting.
I did have to take a break part way thru; listened to this to get my mind grounded after too much ethereal discussion of esoteric topics.
The discussion featured Karen Davis, President of The Commonwealth Fund, Karen Ignagni, President and Chief Executive Officer of AHIP (America’s Health Insurance Plans).
John Holahan, Director, Health Policy Center at the Urban Institute, and Stuart Butler, Vice President, Domestic and Economic Policy Studies at the Heritage Foundation.
A lively group with diverse opinions. I was most impressed with Holahan. His pragmatic, sensible, plain-spoken way of describing the issue and potential impact of a public health plan option was highly effective. Karen Davis was articulate as always, Karen Ignani is a very intelligent and articulate spokesperson for the health insurance industry. Butler’s talk was sprinkled with strawmen (public plan advocates want it because it will make Americans feel comfortable with universal healthcare) and dark predictions that any public plan option will inevitably lead to single payer, and public plan advocates are just single-payer folks in competitive clothing.
One of the key issues debated was the subject of reimbursement – would a public plan use Medicare rates, commercial rates, or some number between the two. Butler’s argument (and Ignani’s too, at times), was that the public plan would use Medicare, and thus lead to even more cost shifting to private plans, and they could do so because the government is all-powerful. (I’ve debunked this argument here).
Butler persisted in using the Lewin study (which assumed Medicare reimbursement) as the basis for much of his argument. As Davis and others have noted, it is unlikely a public plan option would use Medicare, for the simple reason that few providers would agree to it. And folks, without providers, you have no health plan.
Holahan and Ignani did an excellent job dissecting the administrative cost argument. The net is Medicare’s costs are much lower for some reasons that will likely persist in a public plan model, but much of their ‘advantage’ would disappear if the plan had to hold reserves, manage utilization, and if the private plans didn’t have to pay for underwriting, marketing, and associated costs.
Butler opined that Congress, in the person of the evil Henry Waxman (D CA) and Pete Starck (also D CA) would use their powers to advantage the public plan and dis-advantage private insurers, noting that those of us who did not believe that also believe professional wrestling is legitimate. Those Brits sure are funny!
The net is this.
1. I’m not convinced a public plan is a have-to.
2. Opponents’ arguments against a public plan are weak and based on unlikely assumptions.
3. I still don’t know what they’re so scared of.
If government is so incompetent (as the Heritage folks make abundantly clear in everything they do and say), why are health plans and their political think-tank allies so worried about it?